Organising ourselves is the first and main step towards our aim

Organising ourselves is the first and main step towards our aim

By Zaher Baher

October 2018

In June 2017 I wrote an article “Our struggle must go beyond what our lifestyle demands”*.  In that article I stressed some major factors that may be obstacles in the way of our struggles. Since I wrote that article our life in the UK has gotten worse in every way. But, for anarchist people, nothing has changed, with no improvement and no development in our struggle against the system.  In fact there has been more sectarianism, with groups keeping more distance between each other, far away from cooperation and solidarity and more divided over the Gender Recognition Act (GRA).

The state, through its organs, tries hard to increase its influence and pressure, overpowering people through the market, financial institutions and education system, undermining and demoralising them. It tries to divert their intentions away from real problems that they are facing now. The Labour Party too with its most radical manifesto, probably since the Second World War, anaesthetised many people from the working class, students, pensioners, the disabled and people with special needs. Both parties, one in power and the other in opposition, with all kinds of leftists are, in different ways, in agreement with maintaining the system by trying to reform it, to prolonging its age.

The only difference between them is that the party in power is rushing to make the situation worse for the working class and other ordinary people.  The opposition wants to reform the system to prolong it In other words, each of them wants to suppress us through their reforms.

The system, the state and organisations from left to right may have a little distance or enmity between themselves, but they are all consciously or unconsciously fighting directly or indirectly against ordinary people, their movement and their aims.

In short the state and its system is very alive, very strong and well organised.  It is far from being in a crisis and, in my opinion, has never been in crisis.  It is, unfortunately, going to be more dominant, more powerful in controlling us, containing and dominating not only our daily life but our minds and our bodies too. 

It is not the system or the capitalism in crisis, it is us and the crisis is us**.  We must admit that we are in a very deep crisis financially, economically, educationally, morally and culturally.

How can we get out?

There is no doubt that there are groups in the UK who try hard to educate themselves and maintain activities.  They hold public meetings, participate in demonstrations and protests and support workers when they are on strike.  But that is not enough.  All these actions may not take us forward while we are a tiny minority and not just among the public but even among ourselves, the anarchists.

I am aware that in this country the struggle against the system probably is the hardest one after the United States.  We are traditionally not revolutionary as we really had no uprising or revolution here.  What we had was one general strike almost a century ago, from 3rd to 12th May of 1926.  We also had many more strikes but the main ones were the London Dock strike of 1949 and 1957, the seamen’s strike of 1960, the Thames Dock strike of 1972, the miners’ strike of 1984-1985, the Wapping dispute and strike of 1986, and the watchmakers’ strike in Dandy in 1992. However, almost all have been defeated due to the lack of solidarity, betrayal by the Labour Party and union leaders and the brutality of the state.  We can also note that, if not all, surely the majority of them fought back against their employers and the state in a position of defence and not from a position of attack.

Having said that it does not mean the movement stays forever weak and divided as it is now. But that is the reality of the workers’ movement currently as it is very weak and capitalism is extremely strong. 

It is time for anarchists to get together and put away their small, nonessential differences in order to organise themselves in independent, non-hierarchical local groups wherever they are and whenever they can.  We cannot just wait for the situation to ripen or the movement to grow and develop because we will become a part of it.  The movement does not wait for us.  There is no doubt if the movement occurs, we can be a part of it but it will be late and, also, we will not be starting or involved from a strong position. 

Organising ourselves is essential and through it we can participate in the uprising and revolution in a strong position and effectively. That does not mean we cannot organise ourselves, building the necessary groups during the uprising. However,  the history of Iranian’s so-called revolution of 1978-79 and the recent “Arab Spring”, especially in Syria excluding the Kurdish part (Rojava) and Egypt,  showed that the building of groups and organisations during the uprising were effective but, once the uprising and revolution were defeated they lost their dynamism  and  became ineffective.  Obviously there are many reasons for that, but the main one is that anything that emerges during or for a particular event, once the event is over the groups and organisations are usually over too. The only groups currently existing and maintaining their position are those they were there before the uprising although they are not active as they used to be.

We are now between a couple of choices either; we leave changing society to our ‘representatives’ through the parliamentary system, or we strongly take part, with ordinary people, in changing it.  If we choose the second we need to be serious about it, as we will need to give some of our time whether we are workers, unemployed, students, retirees or whatever our situation is. It is an ignorant and unconcerned attitude to believe in something but we do not do much for it. It is also a selfish attitude to wait for others to do it for you.  There is no excuse.










دوازدەھەمین پیشانگەی پەڕتووکی ئەنارشیستی بالکان – سێربیا

دوازدەھەمین پیشانگەی پەڕتووکی ئەنارشیستی بالکان – سێربیا

ڕۆژانی ٢٨ و ٣٠ی سێپتەمبەری ٢٠١٨

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جەنگی دەڤەری ئیدلیب جەنگی یەکاڵاکردنەوەیی ئایندەی ڕۆژاوایە *

جەنگی دەڤەری ئیدلیب جەنگی یەکاڵاکردنەوەیی ئایندەی ڕۆژاوایە *

زاهیر باهیر – لەندەن


ئەسەد و هاوپەیمانانی لە خۆئامادەکردندان بۆ جەنگی ئایندەی ئیدلیب،  پێدەچێت ئەم جەنگە یا لەم مانگەدا یاخود سەرەتای مانگی ئایندەدا دەستپێبکات.  واچاوەڕاندەکرێت کە جەنگەکەش بەبردنەوەی ئەسەد و ڕژێمەکەی کۆتایی بێت و کارەساتیش بۆ زیاتر لە 2 ملیۆن لە دانیشتوانی دەڤەری ئیدلیب بهێنیت کە کە1.6 ملیۆنیان زۆر  دەمێکە پێویستیان بەهاوکاریی ڕیکخراوە مرۆدۆستەکانن و ئەوان بژێویان بۆ دابین دەکەن .

ئیدلیب نزیکە لە حەڵەب و حومس و حەماوە ، قەڵایەکی سەختی زیاتر لە 60 هەزار دژ بە ڕژێمی ئەسەد و 10 هەزار جیهادییە .  ئەسەد پاساوی ئەم هێڕشەی بۆ سەر ئیدلیب بەوە دەداتەوە کە ئیدلیب پڕە لە تیرۆریست.

گەرچی جەنگی ئیدلیب وادەبینرێت کە جەنگێکی بچووکە، بەڵامی ڕوودانی جەنگێکی ئاوا کە ئەمریکا و ڕوسیا و تورکیا و ئەسەد و هاوپەیمانەکانی ڕاستەوخۆ یا ناڕاستەوخۆ بەشداردەبن ، گومانی نەهێڵاوەتەوە کە جەنگێكی زۆر گەورەیە.  ئاشکراشە هەر یەك لەم لایەنانە بەرژەوەندی تایبەتی خۆیان لەوێ و لە ڕۆژهەلاتی ناوین-دا هەیە.  هەرچی ئەسەدە بە بەزاندنی هێزەکانی دژ بەخۆی، بە هێزە تیرۆریستەکانیشەوە، دەیەوێت تەواوی سوریا بخاتەوە ژێر ڕکێفی خۆی.  هەروەها دەیەوێت دەستیشی کراوە بێت لە بەرانبەر ڕۆژاوادا ئیتر بە سازش و وتووێژ بێت بەسەپاندنی بەندومەرجی خۆی بەسەریانا،  یاخود بە سەرکوتکردنیان بێت. تورکیاش کە هەر لە سەرەتاوە بە هۆی چەند هۆکارێك درێخی لە کۆمەك و هاریکاریی موعارەزەی سوریا و گروپە تیرۆریستەکانی نێو ئەو موعارەزەیە  نەکردووە، بەرژەوەندی تایبەتی خۆی هەیە.  ئەمریکا و ڕوسیاش دوو هێزی سەرەکین لە ناوچەکەدا و بە حساب دوژمنی یەکدین، دەستەوەردان و هێڕشە سەربازییەکانیان تەنها بۆ سوودی ئابوری و دارایی و سیاسیی و پارێزگاریکردن و بەرگرییە لە دەسەڵاتی دۆستەکانیان لە ناوچەکەدا.

بارودۆخی ڕۆژاوا و ئایندەی لە سیناریۆی جەنگی ئیدلیب دا زۆر ئاڵۆزە.  بە بۆچونی من پێگەی ڕۆژاوا لە مانگی تەموزی 2015 وە بە بەردەوامی لە لاوازیدایە ، لەو کاتەوەی کە ئەردۆگان شەڕیکی دڕندانەی دژ بە کوردی باکور و بە پەکەکە هەڵگیرسان و ناچاری کردن کە لەو شەڕەوە بگلێن.  لە لایەکی تریشەوە پەیەدە کە لە شانی ئەمەریکاوە جەنگی دژ بە داعشی ڕاگەیاند، چەند هەڵەیەکی کوشندەی کرد. ئەم دوو ڕووداوە  دوو هۆکاری سەرەکی بوون کە هەرگیز نە لە بەرژەوەندی ڕۆژاوا و نە لە بەرژەوەندی باکوری کوردستان نەبوون. من لە وتارێکمدا کە ماوەیەك لەمەوبەر نوسیومە پەنجەم بۆ هەڵەکانی پەیەدە ڕاکێشاوە کە ڕۆڵی خۆیان هەبووە لە لاوازبونی ڕۆژاواو ملنانی  بەرەو شکست. بۆ تەماشاکردنی ئەو وتارە  تکایە کرتە لەسەر  ئەم لینکەی خوارەوە بکە:عەفرین-و-سیاسەتەکانی-پەیەدە

جەنگی ئیدلیب زوو بێت یا درەنگ ڕوودەدات و جەنگێکی کاربڕ دەبێت بۆ دوو زلهێزەکە و هاوپەیمانەکانیان لە ناوچەکەدا هەروەها بۆ ڕۆژاواش.  لە ئێستادا ئەمەریکا دژ بەم جەنگەیە چونکە دەبێتە هۆی خولقاندنی ” کارەساتی مرۆیانە” .  کۆشکی سپی لە ڕۆژی 04/09 دا بەیانی کرد ئەگەر ئەسەد چەکی کیمیاوی بەکاربهێنێت ، ئەمەریکا و هاوپەیمانەکانی  ” لەسەرخۆ و لەجێی خۆیدا” وەڵامیان دەبێت.

پرسیارەکە ئەوەیە ئەی کاتێک کە تورکیا عەفرینی داگیرکرد و بە سەدەهای لە خەڵکانی بێ گوناهی  مەدەنی قەسابی کرد بۆ ” کارەساتی مرۆیانەی نەخولقاند”؟   لە ئیدلیب-دا ڕەنگە ئەمەریکا تەنها دەربەستی گروپە تیرۆریستەکان بێت زیاتر لە دانیشتوان و خەڵکە ئاساییەکەی ، چونکە دەیەوێت یارییە خوێناوییەکە کۆتایی نەیەت تاکو تەواوی پلان و ئامانجەکانی بچنێتەوە.

ڕۆژاوا: خۆبەڕێوەبەرییەکانی ، هێزەکانی سوریای دیمۆکرات  و پەیەدە لەم جەنگە و کۆتایی جەنگەکەشدا ناتوانرێت فەرامۆش بکرێن.  ناشتوانرێت ڕۆژاوا هەر ئاوا وەکو ئەوەی هەیە بەجێبهێڵرێت.  ڕۆژاوا لەبەردەم گریمانگەلێکی زۆردایە .  ئەگەر ئەسەد لەم جەنگەدا سەرکەوێت ، کە وەکو چاوەڕواندەکرێت، پێگەی کوردانی ڕۆژاوا لاوازتر دەبێت.  لەم بارودۆخەدا ئەسەد لە پێگەیەکی زۆر بەهێزدا دەبێت و ئەم سەرکەوتنە  بۆ ماوەیەك  زەمانەتی مانەوەی لە دەسەڵاتا، دەکات.  ئا لەم حاڵەدا دەتوانێت مەرج وبەندەکانی خۆی بەسەر پەیەدە و هێزەکانی سوریای دیمۆکراتا ، کە لە پێگەیەکی لاوازدا دەبن ، بسەپێنێت،  هەروەها گریمانی زۆری هاریکاریی هێزەکانی سوریای دیمۆکرات لەم شەڕەدا  هەیە ، ئەمەش لە کاتێکدایە کە پەیەدە لە تەك ڕژێمدا لە  دانوسان و وتووێژدایە.  هەر وەکو دەیبینین پەیەدە و هێزەکانی سوریای دیمۆکرات لە بارودۆخێکی یەکجار ئاڵۆزدا دەبن.  کاتێك کە ئەو هێزە لە هاوشانی سوپای ئەسەدەوە بەشداری ئەم شەرە دەکەن ، ئەمەش دژ بە بەرژەوندی ئەمەریکایە، بەڕوودانی ئەمەش لەوانەیە کە پەیەدە و هێزەکانی سوریای دیمۆکرات لەلایەن ئەمەریکاوە کەلا بخرێن و هاوکاتیش ڕەنگە لە ئایندەیەکی  نزیکدا ئەمە هۆکار و هاندەرێك بێت بۆ تورکیا تاکو هێڕش بکاتە سەر ڕۆژاوا ، یا لانی کەم چەند شارۆچکەیەك کە لەسەر سنورن و ئێستا لەژێر دەسەڵاتی هێزە کوردییەکاندان، داگیر بکات .

ئەگەر لەم جەنگەدا  ئەسەد نشوست بێنێت، دیسانەوە لە بەرژەوەندی ڕۆژاوا نابێت، چونکە تێشکانی ئەسەد یانی سەرکەوتنی تورکیا و بەهێزبوونی، بەمەش  تورکیا لە پێگەیەکی باشترا دەبێت بۆ هێڕشکردنە سەر ڕۆژاوا هەروەکو ئەوەی کە لە عەفرین کردی.

سەرنجامی جەنگی ئیدلیب هەرچۆن بێت، زۆر گرنگ دەبێت بۆ ڕۆژاوا و ئایندەی کەلە کاتێکدا ئەم  ئایندەیە گرێدراوە  بەو هێزانەی کە لە سەرەوە ناونوسم کردن.  ڕەنگە بارودۆخەکە بەو ڕادەیە ئاڵۆز بێت زۆر زەحمەت و گران بێت کە کوردانی ڕۆژاوا بتوانن پارێزگاری و بەرگریی لە پرنسپڵەکەیان کە دروستکرنی  ‘ کۆنفیدراڵیزمی دیمۆکراتیک ‘ ە بکەن.

ئەوەی کە ڕۆژاوای بە زیندوویەتی هێشتۆتەوە ، وەکو پێشتریش وتومە ، بەردەوامبوونی جەنگی داعش و مانەوەی خودی داعش و گروپە تیرۆریستەکانی دیکەیە  و هەرەوەها ئابڵوقەی ئابوریی و داراییە کە لە لایەن دەوڵەتانی ناوچەکەوە  بەسەریدا سەپێنراوە .  کاتێكیش  کە ئەمە دەلێم مانای ئەوە نییە کە ڕۆژاوا هەرەس دەهێنێت. بەڕای من کورد لە ڕۆژاوادا توانیوێتی خۆی بسەلێنێت و گەلێك لە پرسە سەرەکییەکانیان لابەلا کردۆتەوە، هەر لەبەر ئەمەش ناتوانرێت هەر بەو ئاسانییە لە لایەن هیچ کام لەو هێزانەوە  پەراوێز بخرێن.  من باوەڕم وایە لە کۆتاییدا ڕەنگە جۆرێك لە دانوساندن لە نێوانی ڕوسیا و ئەمەریکادا سەبارەت بە ڕؤژاوا و سوریا و ڕژێمەکەی، بکرێت .  ململانێی پرسی دەسەلات و پاوانەکردن لە نێوانی ئەو دووزلهێزە و هاوپەیمانەکانیانا لە گەیشتن بە ئامانجەکانیان، ئەسەد یاخود حکومەتی ئایندەی سوریا  ناچار دەکەن کە جۆرێك لە ئۆتۆنۆمی و هەندێك مافی کوڵتوریی و ڕؤشنبیریی بدەن بە کورد لەوێ.  ئەم مافانەش زۆر دوورن لە دروستکرنی ‘ کۆنفیدرالیزمی دیمۆکراتیك’ کە ئامانجی سەرەکی ڕۆژاوا بوو.

*ئەم وتارە ناوەرۆکی وتارە ئنگلیزییەکەیە کە لە ڕۆژی 05/09 دا سەبارەت بە هەمان بابەت نوسیم.  ئەوە لێرەدا لینکە ئینگلیزییەکەی ئەم وتارە دادەنێم :

The Protest in Basra’s city, south of Iraq, continues

The Protest in Basra’s city, south of Iraq, continues

By: Zaher Baher



“Out Iran out out, Basra lives free” this is one of the main chant thousands of the protesters were shouting.  The strong protesters back to the streets in the afternoon of Tuesday, 04/09 when the Prime Minister of Iraq, Haider al-Abadi failed to deliver his promises to meet people’s demands of July.

Since the beginning of the protests on Tuesday,10 protesters killed and over 100 injured. They cut off the road of Umm Qasr on Wednesday, 04/09.  Umm Qasr Port is part of the city of Umm Qasr and one of the couple ports in Iraq for entering goods to Basra and the rest of Iraq.

The protests are getting bigger. They are very angry because they are lack of every basic service including clean water electric power. In this very hot weather while the temperature still reaches 50 degree people has no enough power. The concerns of people in Basra mentioned in my initial repot of July still have not been taken in to the consideration by the Iraqi government.  Please see the link below of my report to see more information about the people’s demand in July:

On Wednesday, 05/09 the protester occupied the building of the governor of Basra and burned down.  On Thursday, 06/09, four TV offices and fifteen political parties headquarters and some of the government’s building also burned down.  On the same day, Wednesday night, the protesters occupied the Iranian Consulate in Basra, the staff managed to flee but the protesters set a fire on the building.

People in Basra have lots of sympathy from Iraqis from South to the North of Iraq.  There was a big rally/ protest yesterday, Friday, in Tahrir Square in Baghdad to support the people’s demand in Basra.

There are also unconfirmed reports of entering the US forces into the city of Basra watching the situation closely. Other reports are talking about fleeing most of the MPs, the chiefs of the political parties, heads of the companies and the directors of main services in the city.  There is other report talks about fleeing government’s agents while some of the protesters found their places where they work and live.

While I am not justifying violence from the protesters but the true is the police, securities and  the Militias of the political parties have been very violent from the beginning of the protests in the  afternoon of 04/09.  There is other reason for the people in Basra to get very angry.  They are very desperate and frustrated  while for the last 15 years whoever came to power locally and centrally failed them. The people in Basra on one hand see themselves have been deprived almost of everything; on the other hand they see a tiny minority of their people have been beneficiary from the situation and living highlife.

The true and the right thing is people in Basra regardless of their differences have been united, fighting back the local and central government for their legitimate and natural demands.  It did not last long for them to realize the religion and the nationalism do not worth a single bread, single tablet, free education, free treatment, freedom and the rest of basic rights.

The protests and the demos have not been controlled by any political parties or any other side from the foreigners. They have so far rejected them because  they have 15 years of experience with the regime.  But they need to organize themselves in non-hierarchical independent groups in wherever possibly they can to coordinate their action against the state and its powers.

The battle of Idlib Province in Syria is decisive and crucial for the future of Rojava

The battle of Idlib Province in Syria is decisive and crucial for the future of Rojava

By: Zaher Baher


05 Sep 2018

“We are at the final stage of solving the crisis in Syria and liberating whole territory from terrorism”, stated Walid al-Moualem, Syria’s foreign minister when he met Sergei Lavrov, his Russian counterpart, in Moscow.

The Assad Regime and its allies are preparing themselves for the upcoming battle for Idlib. The military launch might start this month, September, or the beginning of October. The war will likely bring victory to Assad and catastrophe to the 2 million citizens of Idlib where 1.6 million are already in need of humanitarian aid.

Idlib, near Aleppo, Hama and Homs, is a stronghold of over 60,000 anti-regime rebels and over 10,000 jihadists. To justify attacking Idlib, Assad often claims the province is full of terrorists.

Although the battle of Idlib looks rather small with any parties like the US, Russia, Turkey and Assad and their other allies’ involvement directly or indirectly, it will, no doubt, be a big battle. Each of these parties has their own stake in Idlib and the region. Assad is trying to control the whole country by defeating opposition rebels and terrorist groups. He also wants an open hand over the Kurdish in Rojava either to suppress or negotiate with them on his own terms and conditions. Turkey, which has supported anti-Assad forces and terrorist groups throughout the war for many reasons, has its own interests too. The US and Russia have been the major powers in the region and are arch enemies. Their intervention and involvement in Syria only serves their own interests economically, politically and financially and protects the power of their friends in the region.

As for Rojava’s situation, its future within the Idlib battle scenario is quite complicated. In my opinion, Rojava’s position has been weak since Jul 2015 when Erdogan launched a brutal attack on the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)  forcing them to become involved  in war. On the other hand, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) has been aligned with the US in the war against Islamic State (IS), and has committed many deadly mistakes mentioned in my previous article.  Please see the link below:

The battle of Idlib will happen sooner or later.  It will be decisive and crucial for the major powers and their allies in the region and also for Rojava. At the moment, US opposes the attack because it would lead to a “humanitarian catastrophe “. The White House warned on Tuesday 04/09 that the US and its allies would respond “swiftly and appropriately” if Assad used chemical weapons. The question here is why the US and its allies were not concerned about a “humanitarian catastrophe” when Turkey invaded Afrin and massacred hundreds of innocent people? In Idlib,the US is probably concerned with defeating the terrorist groups rather than innocent people because they want the game to last longer to achieve completely what they planned in the first place.

  Rojava and its self-rule administration and the SDF cannot be ignored during the attack on Idlib and after the battle as well.  It cannot be left as it is. The Rojava question and its future must be resolved either way.  Rojava is facing many possible scenarios. If Assad prevails in this battle, as commonly predicted, the position of the Kurdish in Rojava will be weaker.  Assad will be in a very strong position, securing his hold on power for a while.  In this situation, he can impose his terms and conditions on the PYD and SDF while they are in a weak position. There is also the possibility of the SDF joining Assad’s forces for the battle of Idlib while the PYD is  negotiating with the regime. As we can see, the PYD and SDF are in a very complicated situation. The SDF may join Assad’s forces against the rebels; an action  which is  opposed to US interests.  In this circumstances the PYD and SDF might be abandoned by the US which, in the near future, may encourage a Turkish attack on Rojava or, at least, Turkey may try to occupy the towns on its border  currently under control of the SDF.

If Assad fails to defeat the rebels in Idlib, it won’t be in the interest of Rojava either, because Assad’s defeat will also be a Turkish victory who will then be in a better position to attack Rojava  as happened to Afrin.

However, whatever the outcome of Idlib’s battle, it will be critical for Rojava as its future is tied to the battles between the forces mentioned above. The situation may  become so complicated in Rojava that it will become difficult  for the Kurdish  to maintain their principal aim of Democratic Confederalism.

What keeps Rojava alive is the continuing war with Isis and other terrorist groups and, also, the economic embargo imposed by regional powers.  Saying this does not mean that  Rojava’s movement will collapse.  In my opinion, the Kurdish have proved themselves and resolved many questions positively so they cannot be ignored or marginalized by any sides of the major powers and Assad’s regime I believe that, in the end, there might be some compromise between the US and  Russia over Syria and its regime.  The power struggle between them and their allies to reach their own aims forces Assad, or a future government in Syria, to offer cultural autonomy and some cultural rights. These rights would be far short  of building  Democratic Confederalism.